Recent security challenges: (Un)traditional risks and challenges

When we think and talk about the security in the Western Balkans, it’s difficult to find a piece of history without potential risks for the individual and collective security of its citizens and their material goods. Therefore, the thesis, whether these risks are traditional or not and how these risks are challenged, is intentional and objective.

The Balkans, the western part in particular, has been traditionally facing risks for its security, being a bad example for bloody conflicts and wars among people during the establishment of their nationally-based countries. This is especially evident after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, when the Balkan wars take place, which in continuation until now have provoked consequences for the security of the Western Balkans, in every place, at every time. Due to this, we are witnesses of many international conferences which intended to stop the armed conflicts and to set peace, security and stability in this region.

In the latest history, during the dissolution of Yugoslavia, unfortunately bloody wars and conflicts with massive human tragedies took place. Who would have thought that the people who had lived for more than 50 years under the motto of brotherhood and unity in Yugoslavia would show such hostilities among them? I think that the events that happened during the 90s of the last century shared a common denominator – The Milosevic regime! As for the challenges, they had to be faced by the rest of the people in ex-Yugoslavia in their efforts for freedom and independence.

Even today, for the last independent country - Kosovo, the potential risk for its security comes from Serbia and its powers, because it denies the new reality which confirms that there is no turning back when it comes to the issue of Kosovo and its independence, and tries in different manner to influence the Serbian community in Kosovo. As a moment to start with, the Serbian government should let the Serbian community in Kosovo live freely and securely in their new country. Speaking honestly, it’s the right time to convince Serbia that it needs its own independence from Kosovo, and we should all together help Serbia accept the new reality and see Kosovo as a new neighbor. However, they will meet as neighbors once they both become members of EU.

Now that Serbia is moving towards euro-integrations, with visa liberalization and privileged in the EU halls, it’s nonsense for it to remain a potential threat for the security in the Western Balkans, even broader. It should prove that it possesses real progressive powers that are ready to leave the politics of conflicts behind. Every political option that holds the Western Balkans a hostage of its conflictual tradition is destined to fail, because the challenges towards Euro-Atlantic integrations represent an imperative which today and tomorrow will give only one winner. That is the pro Euro-Atlantic political option, with no alternative!

Bosnia and Herzegovina, the country that felt woeful tragedies and traumas from the armed interethnic conflicts, is again reloading dilemmas whether it can function as a common country for the 3 ethnicities (Bosnians, Croatians, and Serbs) or not. Unfortunately, the political leadership there is showing to be weak and irrational in building a decent multiethnic country. There are needed immediate and effective actions, ought to be taken by the national and international authorities in order to put this country in the framework of security and Euro-Atlantic prosperity.

Montenegro is a very good example how should one leadership act for the good of its own country and work on the Euro-Atlantic perspective of its citizens. Less risk for this small country in terms of security, tomorrow a member of NATO and EU, means more investments and economic development, thus a better living standard for all.

Albania is as well a good example in the Western Balkans for its commitment to reach the standards that are ordinary to the big Euro-Atlantic family. Since becoming a member-country of NATO, Albania has increased the level of security in the country and in the region as well. This situation, without serious threats, is influencing its economic development with increased investing capacities. For the good of the country, even from the security aspect, a left-wing party (Socialist League for Integration) reached a coalition with a right-wing party (Democratic Party) in order to govern the country in the European direction. Besides its excellent relations with Kosovo, Albania unstoppably offers and is committed to cooperation with Serbia and the other Western Balkan countries. 

The Republic of Macedonia, the country where I come from, a long time after its independence, due to the internal interethnic tensions which reached the level of an armed conflict in 2001, still faces some threats towards its security. This fact is partially influenced by different political constellations and the overall security in the region, respectively in the Western Balkans. During the 90s, the political leadership in Macedonia masterly avoided the wars and conflicts in ex-Yugoslavia and started building a democratic country with multiethnic society. But, while this process was moving forward, this leadership was lacking the required will, especially in regards to the ethnic Albanians, to consolidate a country that would assure equal rights and interethnic harmony.

In the meantime, the name dispute with the Republic of Greece rose. This problem extended internationally, as a negotiator was appointed by the UN Secretary General in order to facilitate the resolution of this issue. However, my country positioned in the United Nations and other organizations, but only under the interim reference FYROM. The preventive security was aided by the UN mission called UNPROFOR.

These interethnic and inter-neighbor tensions slowed down the process of democratization, economic development and euro-Atlantic integration of the Republic of Macedonia. Time proved that dragging the solutions of interethnic problems by wasting time resulted with an armed conflict in 2001 between the Albanians’ UÇK rebels and the Macedonian police and army forces. In order to stop a potential civil war that was threatening Macedonia, a framework agreement among the largest political parties in Macedonia was signed in Ohrid, guaranteed by the United States and the European Union, and the Constitution was changed. NATO missions during the conflict and afterwards gave a rich contribution to the peacemaking, peacekeeping, and stability of my country.

Even though the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement goes slowly, today Macedonia is in front of its membership in NATO, it is a candidate country for membership in EU, and the European commission recommended the Council of Ministers to decide upon the start of negotiation process. It’s fair to mention that the Albanian political parties and the NGOs have played a very constructive role and have contributed greatly to the process of integrations.

Through this chronology of event my country is challenging the last efforts to enter the framework of collective security of NATO and the European family. In order to overcome this obstacle, there’s still one open issue we need to resolve – and that is the compromise for the name dispute with Greece. We didn’t receive the invitation for membership in NATO at the Bucharest Summit because of this problem, the Council of Ministers of EU did not allow the start-up of the negotiations for membership in EU – all this, because the name dispute remains still unresolved.

If someone asks what we as civil society do in order to help the exit out of this Rubicon, I should admit that we are divided on political and ethnic basis. The Prime Minister with his governing party, some NGOs and media influenced by him directly hold on to strong and inflexible positions in the negotiation process with Greece. The opposition and the Albanian political parties prefer the compromise, which automatically gives us a chance to overcome the last obstacle on the road to membership in NATO and EU.

I personally think that the name dispute with Greece was complicated when our Government prior to the Bucharest Summit entered a battle for ancient historical exclusivity, branded earlier by Greece worldwide. Negotiations of anger don’t bring compromises; on the contrary, make solutions even more difficult to reach. The new Greek government, with its progressive image is now in advantage. Let’s hope that a solution to this problem will be found very soon and both parties will feel winners. Both countries and the region in general, need an enhanced security and a more secure euro-Atlantic perspective.

We should definitely understand that the threats of our security, the weak role of the civil society, the continuation of the Serbian-Albanian problematic relations, and the organized crime, plus the name dispute for us in Macedonia, are not issues that offer us a merited place as Western Balkans in the EU and NATO structures. The European Union and NATO, by the fact that they are permanently engaged in facilitating the reform process in our countries and are contributing to the fulfilling of the membership criteria, prove that the Western Balkans is not a forgotten region. This should be the message of this conference.

The Western Balkans, instead of its traditional conflicts, offers a positive alternative which could make it an integral part of a euro-Atlantic entirety. Tomorrow, as members of NATO and EU, when it comes to our security and better perspective for our people, it is worthy to challenge any threat. Together, we can and we will succeed!