Тhe following text is the contribution from the President of the Euro – Atlantic Council of Macedonia and the Vice President of the Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA), Мr. Lazar Elenovski to the official ATA publication: “Safeguarding Freedom and Security – A new sense of common purpose” which was published in prior to  the NATO Summit in Chicago, USA.

NATO is the largest security alliance in history. Over the past 20 years, it has been one of the most transformed international organisations on the planet. Throughout that transformation, and particularly after the fall of communism in Europe, it has had to find a renewed raison d’être. But, beyond that, it is a security organisation with the highest responsibility when it comes to the protection of the values of civilization and freedom. Therefore, it must meet the rapidly changing security environment in today’s multilateral world.

The transformation is mostly regarded as the development of high technology military capacities. The 2010 New Strategic Concept from Lisbon gave the road map for the future transformation of the Alliance. The Chicago Summit expects the invested efforts from the Allies. When we add to this agenda the current operations, missions, partnerships and forums, the picture of the engagement of the Alliance in meeting today’s global security challenges is one of responsibility and devotion to the building of world peace and progress. NATO acts as a global guardian of civilisation’s values. This was very effectively highlighted in Libya.

Nevertheless, the main challenge comes internally. For several years, the main problem that the Alliance has been facing is the growing military, technological and budgetary gap between North America, specifically the US, and the European partners. Five years have passed since former US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said to the European partners at the Munich Security Conference that “NATO is not a talking shop”. This was a call that each of the Allies should bear the burden of building military capacities, contribute to operations and, as a precondition to that, maintain stable defence budgeting above two per cent of gross domestic product. Things have not improved since then.

The European Challenge

NATO as a collective system has remained the main pillar of European defence. However, as far as budgets are concerned, the European share of NATO spending is a little above 20 per cent, whereas in 1991 it accounted for a third of the total NATO budget. Since the end of the Cold War, European member states’ defence spending has decreased by 20 per cent while their combined GDP has risen by 60 per cent. This trend became more marked after the 2008 financial crisis, which brought significant decreases in European Allies’ defence budgets (excluding France and the UK) to under the two per cent benchmark. Moreover, 15 of these states had defence budgets below 1.5% of GDP in 2011.

While the European budgets have fallen back in the past decade, China’s military budget has tripled, Russia’s has grown by 100 per cent, and the defence budgets of countries such as India, Brazil and South Korea has increased by between 50 and 100 per cent. If this trend continues, the estimates are that in the next 10 years China’s military budget will match the combined budget of the European Allies. On top of that, we need consider the Obama administration’s plan for defence cuts of a half-a-trillion dollars in the coming decade. The budgeting gap is the main challenge for NATO in the collective development of military capacities. NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s suggestion that the financial crisis is at risk of becoming a security crisis is more than a warning.

However, Europe’s difficulties do not end here. The European Union is faced with its largest economic crisis since it came into being, but it is evident there is an absence of uniquely European political mechanisms for meeting the continental and global challenges. All of these interdependent difficulties reveal a general crisis such as has not been witnessed since the Second World War. It questions the basic philosophy of a united Europe and its place in a globalised world. Its manifestation is proof that the capacities of the great European idea are being squandered and that the EU and its citizens need to get ready for a new phase of transformation and reform. Europe needs to choose the path of deeper integration. This requires a bold vision that will not only offer new hope and prosperity, but will also face up to the political, economic and, above all, mental barricades that stand in the way.

Strong and united Europe

Deepened political and economic integration will mean enhanced stability and greater strength for Europe. Continuing the process of European enlargement with the Western Balkans and the Eastern periphery is a further requirement. By completing the historical process, one strong entity will have been made that has its historical verification in several centuries of building a European identity. Europeans have nothing to fear – least of all from Europe. As an Atlanticist and a European, I firmly believe that only a united and integrated Europe can be strong enough to respond adequately to future challenges. This solution is not a new one – it is a natural continuation. First, it is a response to the current crisis, as it will promote economic stability through a strengthened internal market and the harmonization of economic policies, as well as the initiation of growth and development. Second, it is the correct response for the effective continuation of the transatlantic strategic partnership. In order to be strong in the future, Europe needs to make decisive steps today, and that means being a good partner for the US. Otherwise, America’s interest in Europe will continue to decrease. Third, it counters the threat of a diminishing European global role. After many centuries, the centre of the world is moving to the East, where the world’s biggest political, economic and security challenges are to be found. Globalisation is creating a new geopolitical reality. This process will not favour a partly disunited and fragmented Europe. Europe, the cradle of civilisation, needs to integrate and thereby strengthen its political, economic and military capabilities if it wishes to be able to offer a concept of a free society based on its values.

By Lazar Elenovski, President of the Euro-Atlantic Council of Macedonia, Vice President of the Atlantic Treaty Association and former Minister of Defence of the Republic of Macedonia

Euro-Atlantic Council of Macedonia

The Euro-Atlantic Council of Macedonia (EACM) is a non-governmental organisation established in 1997. EACM unites people from diverse national, political, intellectual and business backgrounds, and has close relations with state institutions such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defence, the NATO Liaison Office n Skopje, the Cabinet of the President of the Republic of Macedonia and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Macedonia